It is a state, comprising of the residues of the Osman empire. Although civic nationalism was explicitly declared in some of the Post-Soviet states (e.g., Ukraine), we observe ethnic nationalism there, where ethnic mobilisation is driven by the contrast with ‘the other’ (in many cases, with the Russians). Dr Natalia Taksami’s presentation, When the GULAG arrives in your Homeland: ethnic minorities of the Russian North-West. Dr Guzel Yusupova inquired whether it was still meaningful to use the term ‘ethnic federation’ in relation to Russia. The Kathmandu Valley, in the middle hill region, constitutes a small fraction of the nation's area but is the most densely populated, with almost 5 percent of the nation's population. [12] Under the sovereign governance of Pashtun rulers, the term "Afghan" was changed from an ethnonym for Pashtuns to a demonym for any citizen of Afghanistan, regardless of ethnic affiliation. The scholar David Welsh argued in 1993 that fewer than 20 of the 180 sovereign states then in existence were ethnically and nationally homogeneous, if a homogeneous state was defined as one in which minorities made up less than 5 percent of the population. The movement asserted that Urdu's official status gave an unfair advantage to Muhajirs (most of whom speak Urdu as their mother tongue) and Punjabis (whose mother tongue, Punjabi, is similar to Urdu, and many of whom were educated in Urdu under British rule). The workshop was set to examine the questions of how exceptional the Russian approach to nationality politics was, to what extent the population in Russia had internalised multiculturalism and the official policies, and to consider the effect that globalisation and its association with population mobility and the Internet had had on Russia. The case study of Ajyy Kyhata national school in Yakutsk exemplified the tendencies and challenges characteristic of the implementation of language politics in Yakutia. The following paper with the title Lower and Upper Levels; Ethnos and Superethnos: Negotiating Russia’s Eurasian Identity was delivered by Prof. Mark Bassin, who traced the development of Eurasian thinking among Russian scholars, analysing the distinct versions of Eurasionism that emphasised upper or lower levels in the hierarchy of national identity and locating then within the historical background and the political context. On 12 June 1990, the Congress declared Russia's sovereignty over its territory and proceeded to pass legislation that attempted to supersede Soviet laws. He argued that we should rather talk about a drift from a super-ethnic empire towards an ethnic empire, where russification of the empire presents the last resort at the disposal of the authorities currently in power. At its peak in the 16th and 17th centuries, it controlled much of Southeast Europe, Western Asia, the Caucasus, North Africa, and the Horn of Africa. Doubts remained about the authority of the Belavezha Accords to dissolve the Union, but on 21 December 1991, representatives of every Soviet republic except Georgia—including those that had signed the Belavezha Accords—signed the Alma-Ata Protocol, which confirmed the dissolution of the USSR and reiterated the establishment of the CIS. The key note lecture by Prof. Bill Bowring from Birkbeck College, University of London, was dedicated to the history and current situation in respect of minority languages and minority language rights in the Russian Federation. According to Alain Dieckhoff the term ‘multinational’ state is often used to cover too wide a range of states. 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